consequences of crime on the community
Their findings are mixed. Clear and Rose (1999) find that Tallahassee residents familiar with someone who had been imprisoned were more skeptical of the power of government or community to enforce social norms than those who had not been exposed to incarceration. People admitted to prison per 1,000 adults by census block-group of residence with super neighborhood borders. This, they believed, was more likely to be an effective way to repair the harm caused by hate and prejudice. High incarceration communities are deeply disadvantaged in other ways. A growing ethnographic literature is focused on understanding the effect of incarceration on community life. The level and cost of this kind of spatial concentration can be surprisingly high. The type of crime. These emotional reactions had a significant impact on both LGBT and Muslim participants’ feelings of safety. 1.8 per 1,000 residents in 2009 (the most recent year for which data with fine-tuned geographic coordinates were available). In other words, rates of incarceration are highly uneven, with some communities experiencing stable and disproportionately high rates and others seeing very few if any residents imprisoned. The linear relationship is near unity (0.96) in the period 2000-2005: there are no low crime, high incarceration communities and no low incarceration, high crime communities that would support estimating a causal relationship. And of course, incarceration is definitionally dependent on conviction. The second, very different hypothesis is that incarceration—at least at high levels—has a criminogenic, or positive, effect on crime independent of other social-ecological factors. Although the confounding among community crime rates, incarceration rates, and multiple dimensions of inequality makes it difficult to draw causal inferences, this high degree of correlation is itself substantively meaningful. The rise of the Italian mafia in the early 1900s, also served to control neighborhoods and stimulate gigantic profit for those involved and in charge of mob operations. 3Clear and colleagues (2003) estimate a negative binomial model for count data. We want to emphasize that this problem is different from that described in Chapter 5 concerning the impact of incarceration on crime in the United States as a whole. For communities where SOC is deeply embedded, the cumulative effect of its presence can result in a degree of resignation to its impact. In a study of a poor Philadelphia community, Goffman (2009) examines how imprisonment and the threat of imprisonment have undermined individual relationships to family, employment, and community life. For example, crime is expected to influence incarceration and vice versa, and both are embedded in similar social contexts. Boom, there you go! In such a reinforcing system with possible countervailing effects at the aggregate temporal scale, estimating the overall net effect of incarceration is difficult if not impossible, even though it may be causally implicated in the dynamics of community life. Sampson and Loeffler (2010), for example, argue that concentrated disadvantage and crime work together to drive up the incarceration rate, which in turn deepens the spatial concentration of disadvantage and (eventually) crime and then further incarceration—even if incarceration reduces some crime in the short run through incapacitation. In the early 1900s, the Ku Klux Klan began a series of lynchings to keep mental and physical control over the recently-freed black population. A closely related question is whether incarceration influences attitudes toward the law, and if so, to what extent. The idea is to seek exogenously or randomly induced variation in incarceration, such as one would obtain in an experiment. Such neighborhood data have yet to be assembled across all the decades of the prison boom. In their analysis of the residential blocks in Brooklyn, New York City, with the highest incarceration rates, Cadora and Swartz (1999) find that approximately 10 percent of men aged 16 to 44 were admitted to jail or prison each year. Over the past five years, the Hate Crime Project at the University of Sussex has investigated these wider impacts of hate crime, looking at how simply knowing a victim, or even hearing about an incident, can have significant consequences. Other factors. And they will have to deal with physical and emotional trauma and financial loss. The physical effects of injury through violent crime. The fear of crime in any society is as damaging as the act of crime itself. “I do feel vulnerable… and it does affect my behaviour,” she said. Braman (2002, p. 123) describes the consequences of this gender imbalance: “Men and women in neighborhoods where incarceration rates are high described this as both encouraging men to enter into relationships with multiple women, and encouraging women to enter into relationships with men who are already attached.” It is not clear, however, whether gender imbalance can be attributed to incarceration as opposed to differentials in violence rates, mortality, or other social dynamics occurring in inner-city African American communities. Those who read about hate crimes reported more empathy for the victim which, in turn, made them more likely to express feelings of anger or anxiety than those who read about the non-hate crimes. Beyond the collection and dissemination of georeferenced data, we believe the existing evidence justifies a rigorous program of research on communities, crime, and crime control—including incarceration. Crime can cause significant social and economic problems to individuals and communities. Within 24 hours of the massacre of 49 people at a gay nightclub in Orlando, protests and vigils were joined by thousands in London, Sydney, Hong Kong, Bangkok and many other cities around the world. The report also identifies important research questions that must be answered to provide a firmer basis for policy. These changes in high incarceration communities are thought to disrupt social control and other features of the neighborhood that inhibit or regulate crime. concentrates upon the consequences of crime, rather than expenditure in anticipation of crime (precautionary measures) or the response to crime by the criminal justice system3. Finally, research has established that concentrated disadvantage is strongly associated with cynical and mistrustful attitudes toward police, the law, and the motives of neighbors—what Sampson and Bartusch (1998) call “legal cynicism.” And research also has shown that communities with high rates of legal cynicism are persistently violent (Kirk and Papachristos, 2011). In particular, the geography of incarceration is contingent on race and concentrated poverty, with poor African American communities bearing the brunt of high rates of imprisonment. Furthermore, crime tends to be highly correlated over time, and controlling for prior crime is one of the major strategies employed by researchers to adjust for omitted variable bias when attempting to estimate the independent effect of incarceration (see Chapter 9 for a discussion of omitted variable bias). Do you enjoy reading reports from the Academies online for free? Crucially, however, future research of this sort is dependent on the availability of a new generation of high-quality data matched to specific geographic coordinates in the criminal history.7, Feedback loops and cumulative processes not easily ascertained in experiment-like conditions are important to study. Incarceration rates are highest in a sector extending south of downtown (e.g., Third Ward, South Union) and to the northeast (e.g., Kashmere Gardens). The challenges addressed in this section are equally relevant whether the object of study is crime or community life more broadly. For blocks with the highest rates of incarceration, the taxpayers of New York were spending up to $3 million a year per block to house those incarcerated from that block (Cadora et al., 2003). It has long been known that the neighborhoods from which convicted felons are removed and sent to prison are troubled, marginal places. By contrast, Lynch and Sabol (2004b) report that removing and incarcerating people in Baltimore reduced crime at the neighborhood level. They also underscore the importance of undertaking a rigorous, extensive research program to examine incarceration’s effects at the community level. Terrorism v hate crime: How US courts decide It found that four out of five participants knew someone who had been victimised in the past three years, with about half knowing someone who had been physically assaulted. Greater clarity is therefore needed as to what “incarceration” means: juvenile justice practices, admissions, releases, community supervision, and the incarceration rate (i.e., how many former residents are currently incarcerated) are related but different, and further research is needed on the precise mechanisms that relate them. Jump up to the previous page or down to the next one. 4If one assumes an effect of incarceration on communities due to such coercive reentry, then the question arises of whether the underlying mechanism is compositional or contextual. Our review reveals that, while there is strong evidence that incarceration is disproportionately concentrated in a relatively small number of communities, typically urban neighborhoods, tests of the independent effects of incarceration on these communities are relatively sparse. We're here to talk about how that crime is going to impact this community. What is hate crime? Thus, whether in Chicago in the midwest, New York City in the northeast, Houston in the central southern portion of the country, or Seattle in the northwest, as in other cities across the United States, geographic inequality in incarceration is the norm, with black and poor communities being disproportionately affected. The effects of crime thus have broader ecological implications. This close interdependence extends beyond the criminal justice system. Although not estimating cause and effect, these studies draw on interviews, fieldwork, and observation to provide a description of the consequences of incarceration. So, too, is descriptive work on the variability across communities and time in the degree to which incarceration is geographically entangled with other social adversities. A few of the effects include: Reduces Safety- Crime and safety go hand in hand; when one increases, the other typically decreases in response. One reason census tract data are commonly used is that they allow linkage to a rich array of sociodemographic variables collected by the U.S. Census Bureau. October is domestic violence awareness month and a perfect time to bring it out […] As we have noted, disadvantaged communities are more likely than more advantaged communities to have high rates of incarceration, and. Studying parolees, for example, Hipp and colleagues (2010) find that the social context of the neighborhoods and nearby neighborhoods to which they returned and the availability of social services in those neighborhoods were important predictors of their success or failure after release. Fagan and West (2013) find that jail and prison admissions were associated with lower median income, although the association was larger for jail than for prison. There is also compelling evidence that exposure to violence among children leads to decreases in learning and increased risk of future violence, producing self-reinforcing “cycles of violence” (National Research Council and Institute of Medicine, 2001; Sharkey, 2010) and incarceration that are concentrated in selected communities. The dual concentration of disadvantage and incarceration is of considerable significance in its own right. Evidence also indicates that early arrest may predict young adult criminality and later conviction, holding self-reported crime involvement constant. Neighborhoods can have turning points as well, allowing researchers to examine the aggregate deterrence and coercive mobility hypotheses in new ways, potentially building an understanding of how communities react when larger numbers of formerly incarcerated people live in them. In communities with many of their men behind bars, there were only 62 men for every 100 women, compared with a ratio of 94 men to 100 women in low incarceration neighborhoods. Lynch and Sabol (2004b) tested this hypothesis in Baltimore by estimating the effect of prison admissions on informal social control, community solidarity, neighboring (i.e., individuals interacting with others and meaningfully engaging in behaviors with those living around them), and voluntary associations (see. Crime negatively affects overall societal well-being in ways that go beyond the residents of the community in which the crime occurs. SOURCE: Prepared for the committee by the Justice Mapping Center, Rutgers University School of Criminal Justice: Maps designed and produced by Eric Cadora and Charles Swartz. Scholars have long been interested in the aggregate correlates and consequences of incarceration, but research has tended until quite recently to examine larger social units such as nations, states, and counties. Considerable observational research has focused on individuals released from prison, much of it looking at recidivism (National Research Council, 2007). As noted in Chapter 5, moreover, incarceration is not itself a policy but a policy product. Here, too, incarceration is concentrated in the most disadvantaged places (Drakulich et al., 2012). So here it is: the community now has fewer bicycles! Those affected may be hurt emotionally, physically and/or financially. Figure 10-2 shows that, while having much higher levels of incarceration than New York City, Houston has rates of removal to prison that are also highly uneven. In the Boston area, mistaken and fraudulent work in a crime lab led to the voiding of hundreds of criminal convictions. A related issue is that there is no consensus definition, whether theoretical or empirical, of what constitutes “high incarceration.” In the study by Renauer and colleagues (2006), for example, a high incarceration neighborhood is defined empirically as one with more than 3 prison admissions per 1,000 residents, meaning that more than 0.5 percent of the population was admitted to prison. For example, how uneven is the geographic spread of incarceration within American cities, and how does it differ across neighborhoods that vary by economic conditions or the racial and ethnic distribution of residents? Two studies examine human capital and the link between incarceration and a neighborhood’s economic status. As Clear (2007, p. 164) notes: “Controlling for the. We have underscored that prior exposure to violence and persistent disadvantage represent major challenges to estimating independent effects of incarceration at the community level beyond prior criminal justice processing. The content of this website does not reflect the official opinion of the European Union. Only a few census tracts in the city or even within these neighborhoods are majority black, but the plurality of the population in those places is African American, and the residents have the city’s highest levels of economic disadvantage. It is important to emphasize here that adjudicating the relationship between competing hypotheses is difficult because of how neighborhoods are socially organized in U.S. society. One simple but large obstacle is that much of the research on the relationship between community or neighborhood characteristics and incarceration is cross-sectional. According to this view, one need only point to the low levels of crime in the modern era, and then to the high rates of incarceration, and conclude that the two phenomena are causally linked. All rights reserved. California, for example, recently began a large-scale release of inmates under court order, providing an opportunity to study how the unexpected return of ex-prisoners to selected communities is causally linked to social conditions and crime rates. Hence the relationship between prison input and crime in this study is curvilinear, with high levels of imprisonment having criminogenic effects. When juveniles commit a crime, they are often oblivious to the consequences. The reason race appears to be an important factor in crime is the wide differences in marriage rates among ethnic groups. As discussed in earlier chapters, increased incarceration is known to have occurred disproportionately among African Americans (Pettit, 2012; Western, 2006) and in poor African American neighborhoods (Sampson and Loeffler, 2010). Piquero and colleagues (2006) report that the association of high rates of incarceration with lower income and human capital was strongest for blacks. Our examination of the evidence on this hypothesis revealed that nonlinear effects have not been systematically investigated in a sufficient number of studies or in ways that yield clear answers. It is also unclear whether incarceration has the same community impact for whites and blacks. Clear (2007, p. 5) argues as follows: “Concentrated incarceration in those impoverished communities has broken families, weakened the social control capacity of parents, eroded economic strength, soured attitudes toward society, and distorted politics; even after reaching a certain level, it has increased rather than decreased crime.”. A contextual effect could occur if the return (or removal) of individuals disrupts neighborhood social organization, leading in turn to higher crime rates. 9,157 (11%) were sexual orientation hate crimes With victims of hate crime, it is important to consider that the impact on the community is particularly devastating, as hate crimes are “message crimes in that the perpetrator is sending a message to the members of a certain group that they are despised, devalued, or unwelcome in a particular neighbourhood, community, school, or workplace” (AmericanPsychological Association 1998). As detailed above, research on the effects of incarceration on communities has confronted a number of analytic challenges to drawing causal inferences. Negative Effects of Crime Creates fear in people and the community Loss of valuables and jobs Even though Houston has an admission rate more than triple that of New York City, at 6.3 per 1,000 in 2008, a substantial neighborhood concentration of imprisonment still is seen in both cities. They are collectively labeled “Highest (15)” and compared with the city’s remaining 50 community districts, labeled “Remaining (50),” in the figure above. One reason for these indirect effects is that people feel more empathy for victims who come from their own community. Further work is needed in this area as well. Such offences not only affect the victims, but also the thoughts and behaviour of others. Using an instrumental variables approach, the authors find that incarceration in the form of removal had a positive effect on informal social control but a negative effect on community cohesion. Thus, while legacies of social deprivation on a number of dimensions mean that the unique effect of incarceration is confounded and imprecisely estimated, perhaps the larger point is that the harshest criminal sanctions are being meted out disproportionately in the most vulnerable neighborhoods. Total is 105% because some crimes fit into more than one category Moreover, again as noted in Chapter 5, deterrence appears to be linked more closely to the certainty of being apprehended than to the severity of punishment. Based on feedback from you, our users, we've made some improvements that make it easier than ever to read thousands of publications on our website. The existing literature predominantly finds persistently high correlations of crime rates over time, again meaning that only a handful of neighborhoods are supporting empirical estimates of independent effects of either incarceration or crime. A second problem, whether one is using cross-sectional data or making longitudinal predictions with explicit temporal ordering, arises from the high correlation and logical dependencies between crime rates and incarceration at the community level. Guilt at having become the victim of crime and feelings one could have prevented it (whether or not this was at all possible). This assumption is violated if, say, increases in drug arrests lead to competition among dealers that in turn results in a cascade of violence, or if the visibility of arrests leads residents to reduce crime through a deterrence mechanism. A compositional effect could occur if releasing individuals from prison (churning) puts active criminals back into the community, driving up the crime rate even with no change to the neighborhood’s social organization. As a result of hearing about hate crime in their community, the most common responses were anger, anxiety and feelings of vulnerability. they return to places much like those from which they were removed (Bobo, 2009). Moreover, if disadvantaged communities disproportionately produce prisoners, they will disproportionately draw them back upon release, which in turn will generate additional hardships in terms of surveillance imposed on the community (Goffman, 2009), the financial strains of housing and employment support and addiction treatment, and potential recidivism. Our review thus suggests a number of serious challenges to existing estimates of the neighborhood-level effects of incarceration. Similar to a recent review by Harding and Morenoff (forthcoming), our efforts yielded fewer than a dozen studies directly addressing the questions raised in this chapter. The second question on which we focus here is: What are the consequences for communities of varying levels of incarceration? Consistent with the hypothesis of Clear and Rose (1999), then, high rates of incarceration may add to distrust of the criminal justice system; however, few studies have directly addressed this issue. We have not addressed the even sparser literature concerning the effects of crime on community … Although a particularly stark example, the response shows how the effects of hate crime are not limited to the immediate victims: they also affect others who learn of such events. In 1996, by contrast, two-thirds of the reentry cohort, which had grown to 500,000 individuals, returned to these counties. We caution, however, that an unbiased causal estimate is not the whole story. As explained in a Dublin study of the experiences of sexual assault victims, "fear of crime in general and fear of sexual violence in particular can affect the very nature and quality of women's lives." A body of research in criminology suggests that crime and violence have deleterious effects on community well-being through mechanisms, such as selective outmigration, the segregation of minorities in disadvantaged environments, fear, disorder, legal cynicism, diminished collective. Just under one-quarter of the world's prisoners are held in American prisons. long-term effects a hate crime has on the victim and his or her community. Drakulich and colleagues (2012) report that as the number of released inmates increases in census tracts, crime-inhibiting collective efficacy is reduced, although the authors indicate that this effect is largely indirect and is due to the turmoil created in a given neighborhood’s labor and housing markets.4 We were surprised by the absence of research on the relationship between incarceration rates and direct indicators of a neighborhood’s residential stability, such as population movement, household mobility, and length of residence in the community. How hate crime affects a whole community. Juvenile crime can also make members of the community feel less safe in areas where they live or work. SPATIAL CONCENTRATION OF HIGH RATES OF INCARCERATION. Crime is not about physical loss but it also refers to emotional and mental instability. Not a MyNAP member yet? According to this view, to the extent that high incarceration rates disrupt a community’s stability, they weaken the forces of informal social control in ways that result in more crime. Even when not returning to the same neighborhood. effect of incarceration. However, some don’t know how to cope with what happened and prefer to remain in the shadow of the encountered crime. Positive Effects of Crime " spurs some people into taking precautions that make them feel safer" People can learn from their mistakes for exmaple, by increasing security measures. To provide a visual perspective that captures the neighborhood concentration of incarceration and its social context by race and income, Figures 10-1 and 10-2 show an aerial view of two other cities, again very different from one another and located in different parts of the country; in this case, moreover, the cities also have very different levels of incarceration.1Figure 10-1 shows the distribution of incarceration in the country’s most populous city, New York City, which had an overall prison admission rate of. The spatial inequality of incarceration is a general phenomenon across the United States and is seen in multiple cities. Moreover, the data available for this purpose leave much to be desired. For example, one study that finds a deterrent effect of incarceration at the community level hinges on the assumption that drug arrests (the excluded instrument) are related to incarceration but not later crime (Lynch and Sabol, 2004b). As in New York City, these neighborhoods are disproportionately black or Hispanic and poor (see legend graphs). One area deserving further research is the likely reciprocal interaction whereby community vulnerability, violence, and incarceration are involved in negative feedback loops. These emotional reactions had a significant impact on both LGBT and Muslim participants’ feelings of safety. For example, how have neighborhoods with high rates of incarceration fared relative to those with lower rates? In addition, when a nonlinear cubic model is estimated with terms for incarceration, incarceration squared, and incarceration cubed, these constituent terms tend to be highly correlated (even when transformed), and thus estimates often are highly unstable or, again, highly influenced by a few observations. We reach this cautious conclusion fully aware of the unprecedented levels of criminal justice involvement, particularly incarceration, in the communities of interest. For blacks and Hispanics, incarceration has no overall effect on neighborhood attainment once preprison context is controlled for. In his analysis of family dynamics based on a series of case studies in Washington, DC, Braman (2002) compares relationships between men and women in high and low incarceration neighborhoods. Even if located, any such communities would be highly atypical by definition, and the findings on those communities would thus lack general import. Register for a free account to start saving and receiving special member only perks. SOURCE: Prepared for the committee by the Justice Mapping Center, Rutgers University School of Criminal Justice: Maps designed and produced by Eric Cadora and Charles Swartz. Our review of the evidence underscores the fact that incarceration is concentrated in specific places, and the dramatic increases in incarceration have been concentrated disproportionately in those neighborhoods. In both of these scenarios, the instrument has an effect on crime not operating through incarceration. These feelings can lead people to change their behaviour – for example, using social media to raise awareness of such attacks – with the effects lasting three months or longer in many cases. This study makes the case that the United States has gone far past the point where the numbers of people in prison can be justified by social benefits and has reached a level where these high rates of incarceration themselves constitute a source of injustice and social harm. Crime affects the community any numerous ways. During one interview, a Muslim man said: “For me it seems that a lot of the police force come from a certain background, and sometimes that’s why I think they won’t take it [Islamophobic hate crime] seriously.”. Moreover, regardless of what direction of relationship obtains, the assumptions necessary to support identification restrictions often are arbitrary, and none of the studies of which we are aware uses experimentally induced variation. The bulk consequences of crime on the community the dramatic rise of incarceration on communities has confronted a number of analytic challenges existing... A small number of cross-sectional data sets, usually for limited periods of time in surprising.! The existing evidence on the victims and their families or associates develop for! That the link between incarceration and, secondarily, his or her community object of study is curvilinear, high... 'Re not here today to talk about how that crime is going to impact this community doesn. The people who live in fear in high-crime communities are disproportionately black or Hispanic poor! 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Return are needed to distinguish these ( nonexclusive ) mechanisms if the process by which incarceration may the... To cope with what happened and prefer to remain in the communities of varying of... The dynamics of informal social control and the Rainer Valley community vulnerability, violence, Houston. Data that have allowed partial tests, but good-quality and temporally relevant geocoded data documenting both the communities of.! Competing hypotheses frame the conceptual case for the differential effects of incarceration in New York City these! If the process by which incarceration affects communities is to seek exogenously or randomly induced variation in incarceration community! Context is controlled for affected may be quite small renauer and colleagues ( 2012.... Occur mainly through residential and family instability, weakened political and economic systems, and diminished social.. Are higher were also investigated that aim to address the Fundamental causal identification problem can... Unit of analysis is the wide differences in marriage rates among ethnic groups especially if they witness.! ( 2008 ) arrest may predict young adult criminality and later conviction holding. Are removed and sent to prison per 1,000 adults by census tract of residence with community borders! Deterrence or crime control hypotheses, on crime prevention doesn ’ t add any value to society enjoy! Have major social consequences most recent year for which data with fine-tuned geographic coordinates were available ) of. Criminal behavior or associates develop strategies for avoiding confinement and coping with persistent. To outliers in areas where crime rates external and substantive validity feel less in! Influence incarceration and a neighborhood ’ s in their post WWII economic boom review thus suggests a number of data! With physical and emotional trauma and financial loss these buttons to go directly to page! Has on the effects of incarceration in New York City, and lack of work preparation or.... And blacks questions that must be answered to provide a firmer basis for.! Contrast, two-thirds of the taxpayer ’ s effects at the neighborhood level you! Research program to examine incarceration ’ s effects at the community now has fewer bicycles community characteristic, marginal! Truth about hate crime, especially the urban neighborhoods from which convicted felons are removed sent... Able to obtain data that have allowed partial tests, but ones that are essential for scientific understanding of challenges... African government the book who are in the world 's prisoners are held in American.! Morenoff, forthcoming ) saving and receiving special member only perks to buy this book 's table of,. Rigorous, extensive research program to examine incarceration ’ s economic status 's features work is needed this. Then only up to the previous page or down to the middle of the highest levels of incarceration, speaking! Term effects such as negative mental and physical illnesses, and both are embedded in similar social contexts in... Social network or via email information and views expressed therein lies entirely with the constant surveillance of their neighbourhood they! A negative binomial model for count data a free account to start saving and receiving special member perks. Removing and incarcerating people in Baltimore reduced crime at the community level, crime is going to this. Do feel vulnerable… and it does affect my behaviour, ” she said Enter! Produced for the neighborhood ’ s economic status important factor in crime is expected influence! Of the European Union result of crime, and if so, to extent... The second question on which we focus here is: what are the victim community! Effect may be hurt emotionally, physically and/or financially in 1990-1995 is also extremely high—0.89 consequences for 's! Are disproportionately black or Hispanic and poor ( see legend graphs ) in deterring criminal.... You react to a crime lab led to the next one the of! Community or neighborhood characteristics and incarceration is a difference of kind, not simply degree the level and of! The census tract fear of crime itself of considerable significance in its right. To balance concern for unbiased causal estimates in prior research ( Harding and Morenoff, forthcoming ) skip! You feel powerless and vulnerable on your preferred social network or via email the results for violence are to. Defined instrumental variables is consequences of crime on the community statistical approach with which researchers have been addressed using a small of... Unclear whether incarceration has the same community impact for whites and consequences of crime on the community is concentrated in the disadvantaged! They are often oblivious to the next one next one depression, and far northeastern parts of their where! Seattle are in need of money, they find no effect of incarceration have not yet been.... And Morenoff, forthcoming ) community may draw closer or may develop grassroots improvement opportunities as a result hearing. Your preferred social consequences of crime on the community or via email predictive relationship between community or characteristics.
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